Thursday, December 16, 2010

Impunity in Corruption cases


Impunity in Corruption Cases
Law Facilitates It


                                                                    
In less than a year and a half, the UPA government’s credibility has been badly dented, with major scams tumbling out of government’s cupboard with surprising frequency.  More than the scams, it is the way they have been handled by the government that has damaged its reputation.  On the one hand, it has been pusillanimous enough not to take the bull by its horns and stop it from galloping at breakneck speed. On the other, it has been arrogant enough to brazenly deny its own culpability, but succeeding only in scoring one self goal after another, the biggest and the foulest being the appointment of Thomas as Chief Vigilance Commissioner.

Rahul Gandhi keeps on talking about bridging the gap between the rich and poor India, but prefers to remain conspicuously silent on the subject of corruption.  He probably does not realise that the most important factor responsible for the big gap between the two is corruption.   As long as corruption remains, a part of India and the major part will remain poor. Corruption, as somebody has rightly said, is a tax on poor people.  If he has realised, as his father did, that not more than fifteen paise out of one rupee spent by the government for the betterment of the poor really reach them, then he has to do something to ensure this does not happen, instead of keeping his mouth closed and eyes blind.  This ostrich like attitude, remaining silent and inactive hoping that the storm will pass on its own, does not help.  In these days of right to information and wide spread of competitive, investigative and judgmental media, the facts are not easily suppressed; nor does the storm disappear early and easily. 

When denial of its involvement in corruption is no longer possible, all that the government does is to shift the guilty person from one position to another and then proclaim that law will take its own course, which it invariably fails to do.

Law in most cases fails to take its proper course, primarily due to three reasons.  Firstly, the justice system is cumbersome, dilatory and badly flawed. Secondly, the anti-corruption agencies do not function effectively, particularly against rich or politically influential people, as they have been badly politicised and rendered effete.  Thirdly and it is this which is proposed to be discussed here, law itself provides impunity and allows guilty to escape unharmed.

The anti corruption law has three main provisions that provide impunity.   One requires government’s permission to investigate; the other its sanction to prosecute and the third allows the government to withdraw or close cases. 

CBI is the most prominent anti-corruption enforcement agency at the central level.  Section 6 (A) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, 1946, which governs its functioning, mandates the CBI to obtain prior sanction of the head of the ministry or department before undertaking any inquiry or investigation against any officer of the rank of Joint Secretary and above in the Central Government, including those in the public sector undertakings and nationalised banks.  This is what in popular parlance is known as the Single Directive, issued by the central government sometime in 1986.  Without such sanction no inquiry, not even one the CBI calls PE (Preliminary Enquiry) can be conducted.  This provision was earlier a part of executive instructions but it was given a statutory wrap by the Central Vigilance Commission Act, 2003, despite the fact that the Supreme Court had declared it null and void in the Hawala case judgement.  The main objective of the Directive is to protect the decision making level officers from the threat and ignominy of malicious and vexatious inquires, so that they can take their decisions without fear of being victimised.  However, in a large number of cases, this provision of law is used to provide impunity.  The most recent case is that of a senior officer of the National Highways Authority of India, where the CBI had to ask the Cabinet Secretary to transfer him to his parent cadre when it was denied permission by the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways to probe into allegations of corruption made against him.

The other provision of law that provides impunity is Section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988, which requires the police agency to obtain sanction from the concerned government before prosecuting public servants involved in corruption cases.  In many cases, there is considerable delay in receiving sanction and in some it never comes.  This had caused concern to the Supreme Court too, which in the Havala case judgment directed that the maximum limit of 3 months to grant sanction must be strictly followed

This government is not satisfied by providing impunity merely to serving officers; it has tried to include even the retired public servants within the ambit of impunity provisions of law.  In 2008, it tried to extend the scope of such provisions to former public servants by amending Section 19 of the  Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988.  Luckily, the amendment was not ratified by the Rajya Sabha even though it had been cleared by the Lok Sabha.

The need for prosecution sanction  and inordinate delays in obtaining it is an important bottleneck in the effective functioning of anti corruption agencies.  This bottleneck not only results in impeding their functioning but also in providing impunity to accused persons and thus defeating justice.

Law not only prohibits investigation and prosecution without government’s sanction; it  provides a third protection.  Even if prosecution is instituted, the government can always withdraw the case with the permission of the court under Section 321 of the Cr.P.C.  The government has occasionally used this provision too, the most prominent case being of Captain Satish Sahrma, a senior Congress leader against whom CBI had instituted cases pertaining to alleged irregularities in allotment of petrol pumps and gas agencies during his tenure as Petroleum Minister between 1993 and 1996.  The cases were later on closed.

The ostensible purpose of all the these provisions of law is different from what they are often used for. Amongst other steps the government must take to deal with the menace of corruption, it must review the law that helps in providing impunity.